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"Security Zone Complete": At Ali Taher, Israel Rewrote the Question for Beirut

Yesterday, the blast and the flowers of Nabatieh. Today, the political translation: Netanyahu and Katz declare the security zone "complete," and a former military governor of Tyre explains why the ridge hands Israel "a physical card." Withdrawal is no longer the question. The question is who can prove they control the ground.

·Source: jns.org

We reported yesterday on the tremor measured as far as the Galilee and the flowers handed to Lebanese soldiers in Nabatieh. What has changed since is Israel's own reading of the event. In their joint statement Thursday evening, Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Katz did more than confirm the destruction of Hezbollah's underground infrastructure on the Ali Taher ridge: they stated that the operation "completes the establishment of the security zone in southern Lebanon." The word is now on the table. There is no longer a provisional presence awaiting withdrawal; there is a zone, and it has been declared complete.

The details released by the army give a sense of what has been erased. The network comprised eight underground axes totaling more than 5,400 meters, with control centers, depots and living quarters designed for long stays underground. It served as the central command post of the Badr territorial unit, responsible for the sector north of the Litani toward Sidon, and gave Hezbollah a commanding view over Nabatieh as well as Metula and Kiryat Shmona. A "strategic terrorist asset built over two decades with Iranian funding and planning," in the words of the statement, designed as a springboard for "the conquest of the Galilee." Its dismantling follows that of the axes on the Beaufort ridge and in the villages of Arnoun, Yohmor and Kfar Tebnit.

Reserve Colonel Moshe Elad, a former Israeli military governor of Tyre, sums up the effect for JNS: Hezbollah loses a local "operating system" — observation, command, storage, concealment and fire delivered from a single sector. He cautions, however, that this does not eliminate the anti-tank or rocket threat to northern communities: it reduces its depth and freedom of action in this specific sector. That honesty deserves notice. This is not a final victory; it is a change of geography.

And this is where the reading turns political. The post-ceasefire framework negotiated by the Americans provided for a gradual Israeli withdrawal in parallel with the dismantling of Hezbollah's capabilities. The process has stalled because Hezbollah refuses to disarm. Ali Taher reverses the burden: "Israel is changing the starting point of the negotiation," Elad says, because "any future withdrawal must be conditioned on a real capacity to prevent Hezbollah's return." Israel no longer holds merely a diplomatic argument but "a physical card": proof that a territory from which Hezbollah operates can be shut down.

Our reading goes one step further. The question put to Beirut is no longer "when does Israel withdraw?" but "who can demonstrate control of the ridge?" Elad distinguishes presence from control: the Lebanese army must not only reach the Nabatieh area but prevent the rebuilding of tunnels, depots, observation posts and anti-tank positions. If it fails, Israel could hold the ridge indefinitely rather than risk its reconstruction. In other words, how long Israel stays in southern Lebanon now depends less on Jerusalem or Washington than on the Lebanese state's ability to be a state on its own soil.

If it fails, Israel could hold the ridge indefinitely rather than risk its reconstruction.

That leaves Hezbollah, caught between "the image of a defeat" and a campaign that would destroy still more of its capabilities. That leaves Iran, which had warned Washington of a strong response if Israel seized the ridge positions but which, according to Elad, will most likely let its proxy respond in a limited way without opening a direct front. The flowers of Nabatieh said what the Shiites of the South want. Ali Taher says what Israel now expects in exchange for every meter handed back: not a promise, but proven control.

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